Shortly after her husbands assassination, Jacqueline Kennedy wrote: For Jack, history was full of heroes
...Jack had this hero idea of history.
How quaint she seems, how naive and sentimental. Now Jack frolics in the White house pool with call girls and plots how to kill Fidel Castro. We listen on the White house phone how Lyndon Johnson bullies, to tapes of Richard Nixon as he swears and vows revenge.
We read descriptions of our presidents private parts. For us, there are no heroes. That is the deeper meaning of Seymour Hershs The Dark Side of Camelot. Thomas Jefferson is the president with a slave mistress, Albert Einstein the scientist who mistreated his wife, Mozart the careless genius who liked to talk dirty.
Historians remind us that Robert E. Lee was cold, Abraham Lincoln passive, Franklin Roosevelt devious. A biography of Mother Teresa asserts that she took money from dictators and mistreated subordinates. Its title The Missionary Position.
There is in some ages a predilection to deny greatness and drag down heroes. We live in such an age. In America at the beginning of a new century, no one is admirable, no one unblemished, no one on a pedestal. Mistrustful of myths, we prefer full disclosure. Skeptical of virtue, we easily find flaws. Instead of educating our children by exemplary lives, we offer them cautionary tales. It was not always so.
Lives of great men all remind us, we can make our lives sublime, wrote Henry Wadsworth Longfellow in a poem once familiar to generations of Americans. Until World War I, the ideology of heroism was intact and influential in Anglo-American culture.
It permeated parlors, schools, farms and factories. It could be found in novels and newspapers and eulogies; in McGuffeys Readers and in the sermons of Phillips Brooks; on statues everywhere, in inscriptions on public buildings and engraved on tombstones. It could be seen in the names parents chose for their children.
The ideology of heroism molded Harriet Beacher Stowe, Stonewall Jackson and Oliver Wendall Holmes, Jr. It shaped Andrew Carnagy, Jane Adams, Theodore Roosevelt and Harry Truman, who was raised on the book Great Men and Famous Women.
Of course Longfellow and his readers knew these heroes were not perfect. Even so, they believed that heroes instruct us in greatness, that heroes remind us of our better and braver selves, that without heroes the American past loses meaning and the idea of historical progress is questioned.
They also believed that heroes strengthened the ordinary citizen trying to live decently. Maybe our Victorian forebearers were too stuffy and too sentimental, too credulous and too preachy, but today it is the scornful who prevail.
It is easy to blame politicians who lie to us and let us down, journalists who obliterate privacy and offer only bad news, an intelligentsia that likes to mock, an entertainment industry that strives on shock. But we all our complicitous. We have created a culture that is cynical, sneering, leering; a culture in which our children are denied permission to admire.
We have given free reign to envy, to our desire to tarnish and tear down; and short-changed our instinct to emulate, to look up, to admire. Not finding heroes, we have succumbed to scorn.
Perhaps it is inevitable that an information revolution will create the impression that sleaze is omnipresent and nothing is sacred. When all archives are open, all conversations are recorded, all secrets told, can anyone be explemplary?
Maybe our preoccupation with sex and the intimate life makes nobility impossible. Maybe in a democracy there can be no veneration.
Will our children become such devotees of the dark side that they forget that Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence, that Mozart composed the C Minor Mass or that John F. Kennedy wrote Profiles in Courage and resolved the Cuban missile crisis?
In the early part of our century, gossip columnist Walter Winchell quipped: "Democracy is where everybody can kick everybody elses butt Could he be right?
Peter H. Gibbon is research associate in education at the Harvard Graduate School of Education
With the new Presidential election here decided to revisit what John McCain stood for, why he ran, the reason we believe his value must be fully understood and why heros matter.
Our democracy is not a self contained law based entity that can flourish in of itself simply by the structure of its constitution and laws. Ben Franklin knew this. While leaving the Constitutional Convention, he was asked by a woman, "What sort of government have we, Mr. Franklin?" His answer, "A Republic, Madam, if you can keep it."
Thomas Jefferson believed that our constitution would only survive and work if we were a moral people. This was echoed by Alexis de Toucqueville in his widely praised book, Democracy in America written between 1835 (Volume I) - 1840 (Volume II). "I confess that in America I saw more than America; "I sought the image of democracy itself, with its inclinations, its character, its prejudices, and its passions."
He realized that our strength came from our ability to resolve issues and inequities voluntarily through communal resolve. If we lost that desire and obligation we would lose our individual powers and rights as the powerful and greedy would usurp control.
These people would not even have to "... destroy, or even tyrannize, but serve to stupefy a people, reducing them to nothing better than a flock of timid and industrious sheep." Enron, Worldcom, Adelphia, Merril Lynch, Pork barrel spending, Campaign finance and special interest groups are but a few examples.
It was McCain who first spoke about a lesson he learned in captivity, having people reach for ideals beyond their own self interest. Bush seems to have decided it was a good enough slogan and incorporated into his speeches, but it was McCain who learned the lesson first hand from hard reality. I want to help lead young people to believe in something greater than their self interest." That was one of the reasons John McCain gave when he first decided to run for President in 2000.
Henry Kissinger once described the difference between prominence and Heroism this way:
"The political leaders with whom we are familiar generally aspire to be superstars rather than heroes. The distinction is crucial. Superstars strive for approbation; heroes walk alone. Superstars crave consensus; heroes define themselves by the judgment of a future they see it as their task to bring about. Superstars seek success in a technique for eliciting support; heroes pursue success as the outgrowth of inner values."
McCain fights for something Washington insiders hate: honesty, accountability and abolishing the systematic abuse of American citizens by Politicians, corporations, and individuals who put their own self interes tfirst. In his role in the Senate McCain fights unceasingly through oversight comities to confront, expose and correct the unending self serving games played by individuals and business to succeed at societies expense.
Unfortunately the political process grinds mavericks out. Most reformers who genuinely try to tell the truth and help people give up and or become ground round. What sperates McCain are his inner values and his heros journey that will not be ground out or down. He is, like his hero Teddy Roosevelt a man who is "incapable of oppressing the weak, or of permitting their country, with their consent, to oppress the weak." He lives Roosevelt's words:
All of us who give service, and stand ready for sacrifice, are the torchbearers. We run with the torches until we fall, content if we can pass them to the hands of other runners. The torches whose flame are brightest are borne of gallant men and women, whose sons and brothers and daughters are at the front. These men and women are of high soul. For it is they, and those like them, who have saved the soul of the world ... These are the torchbearers: these are they who have dared the Great Adventure It was in a Vietnam prison camp that John McCain became a torchbearer. He realized that what kept him going and mattered most was a commitment to a his fellow cell mates and his countrymen. A faith in his family and a belief in something greater than his self-interest.
,John McCain has fought relentlessly for campaign contribution reform. While some efforts have not acheived their aim the effort goes on. That is blasphemy for most politicians. Lee Hamilton (D-IN), a former member of Congress explained.
"The conversation among members of Congress is so frequently on the topic of money -- money, money, money, and the money chase." The politicians' ceaseless hustle for money mocks every affirmation of our democratic creed." H. L. Mencken put it this way, elections are advance auctions of stolen goods."
The New York Times, in an editorial called campaign raising practices "corrupt at the core," but offered no real solutions. McCain did, and acted on them. He is trying to prevent us from becoming Alexis de Toucqueville's sheep.
A Gift to Bestow
Imagine yourself with both arms and your right knee broken after you had ejected from your plane which was shot down. The people who found you in the lake where you fell, beat you, then handed you over to the North Vietnamese
They put you in a cell., your captors have found out that your father was a person of import and decided to let you go. How many of us would stay not only of our own free will, but against the enemies wishes, thus aggravating them even more.
John McCain decided that he was not first in line to leave, so he did not. He attached himself to something higher, something more noble. The scholar Joseph Campbell portrayed the myth of the hero this way.
The heroes of all time have gone before us; the maze is thoroughly known; we have only to follow the thread of the hero path. And where we had thought to find an abomination, we shall find a god, where we had thought to be alone, we shall be with all the world. The hero ventures forth from the world of common day into a region of supernatural wonder: fabulous forces are there encountered and a decisive victory is won: the hero comes back from this mysterious adventure with the power to bestow boons on his fellow man."
John McCain took the heroes journey and returned home. Running for president was about bestowing the lessons and gifts he had acquired after going through the fires.
Robert Timberg in his book "John McCain, An American Odyssey, wrote about the heroes journey this way. "Did you know that a nightingale will never sing its song if it doesn't hear it first?" If it hears robins or wrens, it will never croak a note. But the moment it hears any part of a nightingales song, it bursts into this extraordinary music, sophisticated, elaborate music, as though it had known it all the time. And, of course, it had.
We do have justice in our hearts and we need people like John McCain to bring it out. Heroes matter
H. L. Mencken made a point that should stand as a clarion call to the uninitiated. "The saddest life is that of a political aspirant under democracy, his failure is ignominious and his success is disgraceful.
In 2008 the nightingales is still singing. John McCain's journey continues. If we open our hearts we can hear him. He has a hard won gift to bestow
According to Biographer David Maranas, President Clinton had his own code words, shared only with insiders.
One of his favorites was nice tie. Whenever Clinton would tell someone they had a nice tie, he was in his code really saying F --- you.
Maranass noted that after a particular story he wrote that Clinton did not like, the President walked up to him with just that compliment. It wasnt until later when someone in Clintons inner circle told him, that Maranass understood what was really being said to him.
Lyndon Johnson
What he really said
Johnson's plan to make himself a powerful Vice President ran into insurmountable obstacles. On January 3, seventeen days before taking office, he tried to assure himself of an unprecedented congressional role. At a Democratic Senate caucus, Mike Mansfield of Montana, Johnson's hand-picked successor as Majority Leader, asked the 63 Democratic senators to let Johnson preside over future caucuses. The proposal angered several senators, who saw this as a power grab and a challenge to the traditional separation of congressional-executive authority. Liberal Senator Albert Gore, Sr., of Tennessee spearheaded the opposition: "This caucus is not open to former senators," he declared. Although a vote of 46 to 17 gave Johnson a large majority, it left no doubt in his mind that most senators opposed the plan. "You could feel the heavy animosity in the room, even from many who voted for Lyndon," Gore asserted. The reaction of his Senate colleagues humiliated and enraged Johnson. "I now know the difference between a caucus and a cactus," he told someone who leaked his remark to reporters. "In a cactus all the pricks are on the outside."
Teddy Roosevelt
What his Values were
There can be no nobler cause for which to work than the peace of righteousness; and high honor is due those serene and lofty souls who with wisdom and courage, with high idealism tempered by sane facing of the actual facts of life, have striven to bring nearer the day when armed strife between nation and nation, between class and class, between man and man shall end throughout the world. Because all this is true, it is also true that there are no men more ignoble or more foolish, no men whose actions are fraught with greater possibility of mischief to their country and to mankind, than those who exalt unrighteous peace as better than righteous war. The men who have stood highest in our history, as in the history of all countries, are those who scorned injustice, who were incapable of oppressing the weak, or of permitting their country, with their consent, to oppress the weak, but who did not hesitate to draw the sword when to leave it undrawn meant inability to arrest triumphant wrong.
Richard Nixon
What his values were
Republican President Richard Nixon in 1971 expressed his intention to select an IRS commissioner who:
is a ruthless son of a bitch, that he will do what hes told, that every income tax return I want to see I see, that he will go after our enemies and not go after our friends
(Quoted by Wall Street Journal Board of Editors 1997).
* * * * *
Travel Navigator World Hotel Guide Your Key To Smart Travel Every Florida Hotel listed